Ethiopia
is the second most populous country in Africa, but poor infrastructure
and a government monopoly over the telecommunications sector have
notably hindered the growth of information and communication
technologies (ICTs). Consequently, Ethiopia has one of the lowest rates
of internet and mobile telephone penetration on the continent. Despite
low access, the government maintains a strict system of controls and is
the only country in Sub-Saharan Africa to implement nationwide internet
filtering.
Ethiopia’s telecommunications infrastructure is among the least developed in Africa and is almost entirely absent from rural areas, where about 85 percent of the population resides. In 2011, only 829,000 fixed telephone lines were in actual operation (a decrease from 908,000 lines in 2010[9]), serving a population of 83 million for a penetration rate of less than 1 percent, according to the International Telecommunication Union (ITU).[10] Similarly, as of the end of 2011, internet penetration stood at 1.1 percent, up from 0.75 percent in 2010.[11] Mobile phone penetration in 2011 was higher at roughly 17 percent with a little over 14 million subscriptions, up from an 8 percent penetration rate in 2010.[12] While all of the above reflect very slight improvements in access compared to 2010 (except for fixed-telephone lines), such penetration rates represent extremely limited access to ICTs by global comparison.
Ethiopian authorities persistently deny engaging in online censorship,[36] but the results of the most recent independent tests conducted by the OpenNet Initiative (ONI) in 2009 and checked again by Freedom House at the end of 2011, indicate otherwise. Both sets of tests indicated that the Ethiopian government imposes nationwide, politically motivated internet filtering.[37] The blocking of websites is somewhat sporadic, tending to tighten ahead of sensitive political events. This on again, off again dynamic continued in 2011, though there were also indications that the technical sophistication of the government’s blocking had increased and that periods of openness were shrinking.
Over the course of 2011 and through mid-2012, the Ethiopian government’s already poor treatment of journalists and internet users deteriorated dramatically. A systematic crackdown and series of prosecutions, including over eight Ethiopian journalists and two Swedish reporters, caused many journalists to flee into exile, stripping the country of its last remaining independent voices.[53] In 2011, such repression spread for the first time against bloggers and internet users, with several arrests and at least one prosecution reported.
In 2011, in the wake of the Arab Spring protests
in the Middle East and several online calls for similar demonstrations
in Ethiopia,[1]
the government reacted by strengthening internet censorship and
carrying out a systematic crackdown on independent journalists,
including at least one blogger. Beginning in June 2011, over ten
journalists were sentenced to long prison terms,[2]
mostly on questionable charges of terrorism. Among them was the editor
of an exiled online news website who was sentenced in abstentia to life
imprisonment. A prominent dissident blogger based in Ethiopia was also
arrested in September 2011 and sentenced to 18 years in prison in July
2012.[3]
The latest
crackdown is part of a broader trend of growing repression against
independent media since the 2005 parliamentary elections, in which
opposition parties mustered a relatively strong showing.[4]
Internet and mobile phone services were introduced in Ethiopia in 1997 and 1999, respectively.[5]
In recent years, the government has attempted to increase access
through the establishment of fiber-optic cables, satellite links, and
mobile broadband services. It has refused to end exclusive control over
the market by the state-owned Ethiopian Telecommunication Corporation
(ETC). However, in December 2010 France Telecom took over management of
ETC for a two-year period, renaming it Ethio Telecom in the process.[6] China has also emerged as a key investor and contractor in Ethiopia’s telecommunications sector.[7]
Given allegations that the Chinese authorities have provided the
Ethiopian government with technologies that can be used for political
repression, such as surveillance cameras and satellite jamming
equipment,[8]
some observers fear that the Chinese may assist the authorities in
developing more robust internet and mobile phone censorship and
surveillance capacities in the coming years.
Obstacles to Access:
Ethiopia’s telecommunications infrastructure is among the least developed in Africa and is almost entirely absent from rural areas, where about 85 percent of the population resides. In 2011, only 829,000 fixed telephone lines were in actual operation (a decrease from 908,000 lines in 2010[9]), serving a population of 83 million for a penetration rate of less than 1 percent, according to the International Telecommunication Union (ITU).[10] Similarly, as of the end of 2011, internet penetration stood at 1.1 percent, up from 0.75 percent in 2010.[11] Mobile phone penetration in 2011 was higher at roughly 17 percent with a little over 14 million subscriptions, up from an 8 percent penetration rate in 2010.[12] While all of the above reflect very slight improvements in access compared to 2010 (except for fixed-telephone lines), such penetration rates represent extremely limited access to ICTs by global comparison.
The combined cost of purchasing a computer,
initiating an internet connection, and paying usage charges places
internet access beyond the reach of most Ethiopians. A 2010 study by the
ITU found that Ethiopia’s broadband internet connections were among the
most expensive in the world when compared with monthly income, second
only to the Central African Republic,[13] and merely 27,000 broadband subscriptions were recorded in 2011.[14]
Prices are set by Ethio Telecom and kept artificially high. In April
2011, Ethio Telecom announced a new set of pricing packages,[15]
reducing the subscription charge from US$80 to US$13 and the monthly
fee from over US$200 per for unlimited usage to fees of between US$17
and US$41 for between 1 GB and 4 GB of use. By comparison, the annual
gross national income (GNI) per capita at purchasing power parity was
US$1,110 (or US$92.50 per month) in 2011.[16]
Although the new tariffs have rendered the service slightly more
affordable—though still relatively expensive—for individual users,
cybercafe owners have complained that the lack of an unlimited usage
option could hurt the financial viability of their business.[17]
Furthermore, an adult literacy rate of 30 percent means that the
majority of Ethiopians would be unable to take full advantage of online
resources even if they had access to the technology.[18]] Radio remains the principal mass medium through which most Ethiopians obtain information.
The majority of internet users rely on cybercafes
to access the web, though connections there are often slow and
unreliable. Internet access via mobile phones has grown over the past
year, particularly in semi-urban areas, but slow speeds are a constant
problem. A 2010 study commissioned by Manchester University’s School of
Education found that accessing an online email account and opening one
message took six minutes in a typical Addis Ababa cybercafe with a
broadband connection.[19]
The number of cybercafes has grown in recent years and continues to
expand in large cities, after a brief period in 2001–02 during which the
government declared them illegal and forced some to shut down. Since
July 2002, the Ethiopian Telecommunications Agency (ETA) has been
authorized to issue licenses for new cybercafes.
The authorities have placed some restrictions on
advanced internet applications. In particular, the use or provision of
Voice over Internet Protocol (VoIP) services or internet-based fax
services—including at cybercafes—is prohibited,[20] with potential punishments including fines and up to five years in prison.[21]
The government instituted the ban on VoIP in 2002 after it gained
popularity as a less expensive means of communicating and began to drain
revenue from the traditional telephone business belonging to the
state-owned Ethiopian Telecommunication Corporation (ETC), or Ethio
Telecom.[22] Despite the restriction on paper, many cybercafes offer the service with few repercussions
.
Social-networking sites such as Facebook, the
video-sharing site YouTube, and the Twitter microblogging service are
available, though very slow internet speeds make it impossible to access
video content. International blog-hosting websites such as Blogger have
been frequently blocked since the disputed parliamentary elections of
2005, during which the opposition used online communication to organize
and disseminate information that was critical of the ruling Ethiopian
People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF).[23]
In addition, for two years following the 2005 elections, the ETC
blocked text-messaging via mobile phones after the ruling party accused
the opposition of using the technology to organize antigovernment
protests. Text-messaging services did not resume until September 2007.[24]
Around May 26, 2011, on the eve of a planned
opposition demonstration inspired by anti-government protests in the
Middle East and celebrations for the anniversary of the ruling party
coming to power, the internet was cut off for at least half a day.[25]
It remained unclear whether the cause of the shutdown was a deliberate
government attempt to restrict communication at a sensitive time, a
technical problem, or sabotage of a fiber-optic cable. Separately, when
high-profile international events, such as a meeting of the African
Union, have taken place in Addis Ababa and other major cities, the
government has redirected much of the country’s bandwidth to the venues
hosting visitors, leaving ordinary users with even slower connections
than usual.
Ethiopia is connected to the international
internet via satellite, a fiber-optic cable that passes through Sudan
and connects to its international gateway, and another cable that
connects through Djibouti to an international undersea cable.[26]
In an effort to expand connectivity, the government has reportedly
installed several thousand kilometers of fiber-optic cable throughout
the country in recent years.[27]
There are also plans in place to connect Ethiopia to a global undersea
cable network through the East African Submarine Cable System (EASSy)
project. The EASSy project itself was completed and launched in July
2010, but its effects on Ethiopia have yet to be seen.[28]
The government has sought to increase access via satellite links for
government offices and schools in rural areas. WoredaNet, for instance,
connects over 500 woredas, or local districts, to regional and
central government offices, providing services such as video
conferencing and internet access. Similarly, SchoolNet connects over 500
high schools across the country to a gateway that provides video- and
audio-streamed educational programming.[29]
The impact of such projects has been limited, however, as internet
speeds across these networks remain almost prohibitively slow and
outages are common.
The ETC, or Ethio Telecom, retains a monopoly on
all telecommunications services, including internet access and both
mobile and fixed-line telephony. Connection to the international
internet is centralized via Ethio Telecom, from which cybercafes must
purchase their bandwidth. The Ethiopian Telecommunications Agency (ETA)
is the primary regulatory body overseeing the telecommunications sector.[30] Although it was established as an autonomous federal agency, in practice the ETA is tightly controlled by the government.
The space for independent initiatives, entrepreneurial or otherwise, is extremely limited.[31] In October 2011, the government announced[32]
that earlier in the year, it had begun granting permission to private
companies that run internet-dependent operations to acquire and use VSAT
links, connections previously restricted only to governmental and
international organizations per special authorization.[33]
Under the new directive, which has yet to be made public as of May
2012, companies are reportedly permitted to use the technology for their
own operations but are barred from providing services to third parties,
thereby maintaining Ethio Telecom’s monopoly on public internet access.
Liberalization of the telecommunications sector is
expected to greatly increase internet and mobile phone penetration, but
the prospects for such loosening remain uncertain. Despite repeated
international pressure to do so, the Ethiopian government has been
reluctant to ease its grip on the sector.[34]
While some observers consider the December 2010 entry of France Telecom
as manager of Ethio Telecom to be a potential move toward
liberalization, others are skeptical of the government’s commitment to
allowing greater public access to information and communication
technologies (ICTs). The foreign partnership may simply be an effort to
improve service delivery while maintaining the state monopoly. Even so,
under the new management, users continue to complain that speeds
delivered are lower than advertised, service is regularly interrupted,
and the quality of customer assistance has declined, possibly due to
loss of morale following layoffs.[35]
Limits on Content:
Ethiopian authorities persistently deny engaging in online censorship,[36] but the results of the most recent independent tests conducted by the OpenNet Initiative (ONI) in 2009 and checked again by Freedom House at the end of 2011, indicate otherwise. Both sets of tests indicated that the Ethiopian government imposes nationwide, politically motivated internet filtering.[37] The blocking of websites is somewhat sporadic, tending to tighten ahead of sensitive political events. This on again, off again dynamic continued in 2011, though there were also indications that the technical sophistication of the government’s blocking had increased and that periods of openness were shrinking.
The government’s approach to internet filtering
has generally entailed hindering access to a list of specific internet
protocol (IP) addresses or domain names at the level of the
international gateway. One blogger reported in January 2011, however,
that since mid-2010, the government had been introducing more
sophisticated equipment capable of blocking a webpage based on a keyword
in the URL path. The observable evidence he cited included the blocking
of the individual Facebook page of the exiled news outlet Addis Neger, as well as the fact that blocked content could no longer be accessed via Google cache as was previously possible.[38]
In July 2011, Ethio Telecom released a tender calling for bids to
develop deep-packet inspection (DPI) to be implemented by mid-2012,[39] which would make the existing censorship apparatus more sophisticated.
Testing by ONI found that the filtering focuses
primarily on independent online news media, political blogs, and
Ethiopian human rights groups’ websites.[40]
International news outlets such as the U.S.-based Cable News Network
(CNN) and nongovernmental organizations such as Human Rights Watch,
Amnesty International, and Reporters Without Borders—all of which have
criticized the Ethiopian government’s human rights record—were available
as of early 2009. However, tests conducted by Freedom House found that
in 2010 and 2011, the websites of Freedom House, Human Rights Watch, and
Amnesty International were inaccessible.
Ethiopian websites and blogs that are typically
blocked but that suddenly became available in early 2009 included
CyberEthiopia, Ethiopian Review, Ethiopian Media Forum, Quatero, and
Ethiomedia. Several observers suggested that the loosening came in
response to the 2008 U.S. State Department human rights report on
Ethiopia released in February 2009,[41] which accused the government of restricting internet access by blocking politically oriented websites.[42]
CyberEthiopia, a prodemocracy website, commented in March 2009 that the
erratic nature of internet filtering may be a deliberate tactic by the
authorities to create confusion and buttress government claims that
there is no systematic or pervasive filtering in the country.
By mid-2010, all newly available websites and several others—including the online version of Addis Neger, a leading independent newspaper that was forced to close in December 2009[43]—were
temporarily inaccessible again, apparently as part of the government’s
broader election-related restrictions on the free flow of information.[44]
These websites were blocked for much of 2011, but were briefly
unblocked in May 2011, coinciding with a UNESCO event for International
Press Freedom Day and the release of a report by the Committee to
Protect Journalists criticizing internet censorship in Ethiopia; the
timing again reflected the government’s possible efforts to loosen
online censorship when under international scrutiny, only to impose it
again when the spotlight is removed.[45]
By late May, many of the above websites, and some new ones, were
blocked again after activists created a Facebook page titled “Beka!”
(Enough!)[46] calling for anti-government protests inspired by the Arab Spring uprisings to take place on May 28, 2011.[47]
As of early 2012, the above-mentioned websites, as well as those of
Ethsat (an independent exile television station) and Dilethiopia (an
opposition website) were inaccessible. Further, an independent test
conducted by Freedom House in early 2012 found that 65 websites related
to news and views, 14 websites belonging to different Ethiopian
political parties, 37 blogs, 7 audio-video websites, and 37 Facebook
pages were not accessible in Ethiopia.
In addition to website blocking, some restrictions
are also placed on mobile phone text-messaging. In particular, mobile
phone users, businesses, and civil society groups are unable to send a
message to more than ten recipients without prior approval of its
content from Ethio Telecom.[48]
Procedures for determining which websites should
be blocked and when are extremely opaque. There is no published list of
blocked websites or publicly available criteria for how such decisions
are made, and users are met with an error message when trying to access a
blocked website. This lack of transparency is exacerbated by the
government’s continued denial of its censorship efforts. The
decision-making process does not appear to be centrally controlled.
Thus, various governmental entities, along with the Information Network
Security Agency (INSA) and Ethio Telecom, seem to be implementing their
own lists, contributing to the phenomenon of inconsistent blocking.
The increased repression in 2011 against
journalists working in traditional media as well as against a number of
bloggers has generated a chilling effect in the online sphere. Few
Ethiopian journalists work for both domestic print media and as
correspondents for overseas online outlets, as this could draw negative
repercussions. Many bloggers publish anonymously to avoid reprisals.
In addition to censorship, the authorities use
regime apologists, paid commentators, and pro-government websites to
proactively manipulate the online news and information landscape.
Acrimonious exchanges between a small number of apologist websites and a
wide array of diaspora critics and opposition forces have become common
in online political debates. Lack of adequate funding represents
another challenge for independent online media, as fear of government
pressure dissuades Ethiopian businesses from advertising with
politically critical websites.
Regime critics and opposition forces in the
diaspora increasingly use the internet as a platform for political
debate and an indirect avenue for providing information to local
newspapers. However, given the low internet penetration rate, the
domestic Ethiopian blogosphere is still in its infancy. Blogging
initially blossomed during the period surrounding the 2005 parliamentary
elections and the subsequent clampdown on independent newspapers. This
growth has slowed somewhat since 2007, when the government instituted a
blanket block on the domain names of two popular blog-hosting websites,
Blogger and Nazret.com. Some political commentators use proxy servers
and anonymizing tools to hide their identities when publishing online
and to circumvent filtering. Among general internet users, however,
circumvention tools are rarely employed, and most people simply forego
accessing websites that are blocked.[49]
Over the past two years, the use of
social-networking sites, most notably Facebook, as platforms for
political deliberation, social justice campaigns, and information
sharing has gained momentum. For example, in March 2012 some activists
used social media to launch campaigns on behalf of Ethiopian female
domestic workers working in the Middle East who were being abused.[50]
Nevertheless, many civil society groups based in the country are wary
of mobilizing against the government. In February 2011, opposition
activists launched the Facebook group “Beka!” (Enough!) calling for a
“day of rage” and anti-government protests to be held on May 28. The
intention was to have a counter demonstration the same day as a
government-sponsored rally celebrating the anniversary of Prime Minister
Meles Zenawi’s rule. No protest materialized, however.[51]
This appeared to be because the calls for protest were mostly coming
from the Ethiopian diaspora rather than from within the country, as
those inside Ethiopia still harbored fear from the bloody crackdown on
opposition demonstrations after the 2005 elections and from the most
recent round of opposition activist arrests in April 2011 (see
“Violations of User Rights”).[52]
Violations of User Rights:
Over the course of 2011 and through mid-2012, the Ethiopian government’s already poor treatment of journalists and internet users deteriorated dramatically. A systematic crackdown and series of prosecutions, including over eight Ethiopian journalists and two Swedish reporters, caused many journalists to flee into exile, stripping the country of its last remaining independent voices.[53] In 2011, such repression spread for the first time against bloggers and internet users, with several arrests and at least one prosecution reported.
Constitutional provisions guarantee freedom of expression and media freedom.[54]
Nevertheless, in recent years the government has adopted laws—namely
the Mass Media and Freedom of Information Proclamation and the
Anti-Terrorism Proclamation—that restrict free expression.[55]
According to Human Rights Watch, the 2008 Mass Media and Freedom of
Information Proclamation has some positive aspects, such as a ban on the
pretrial detention of journalists. However, it also introduced
crippling fines, licensing restrictions for establishing a media outlet,
a clause permitting only Ethiopian nationals to establish mass media
outlets, and powers allowing the government to impound periodical
publications.[56]
A criminal code that came into force in May 2005 provides for “special
criminal liability of the author, originator or publisher” when writings
are deemed to be linked to offenses such as treason, espionage, or
incitement; in such instances, the penalty may be life imprisonment or
death.[57] Also under the criminal code, publication of a “false rumor” is punishable by up to three years in prison.[58]
In 2009, the government enacted the Anti-Terrorism
Proclamation, which includes an overly broad definition of terrorism
that gives the authorities wide discretion when suppressing nonviolent
dissent. Under the legislation, publication of a statement that is
likely to be understood as a direct or indirect encouragement of
terrorism is punishable by up to 20 years in prison.[59]
In 2011, the authorities made extensive use of this law to prosecute a
number of individuals who had criticized the government both online and
offline, or who had reported on the activities of Ginbot 7, a banned
opposition political party that the government has declared a terrorist
group. The crackdown generated a notable chilling effect and
international condemnation. In September 2011, the well-known dissident
blogger Eskinder Nega[60]
was arrested on terrorism charges shortly after publishing an online
column calling for greater political freedom and criticizing the use of
the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation to silence political dissent.[61] Nega was put on trial in March 2012, found guilty of terrorism in July, and sentenced to 18 years in prison.[62]
In January 2012, Elias Kifle, editor of the U.S. based Ethiopian Review
website known for its fierce criticism of Prime Minister Zenawi, was
sentenced in abstentia to life imprisonment.[63]
In a lower-profile case, two youth were arrested on charges of
terrorism in August 2011 while using the internet in an Addis Ababa
cybercafe, likely to visit opposition websites; according to unconfirmed
reports, they were later released.[64]
Government surveillance of online and mobile phone
communications is a concern in Ethiopia, though there is a lack of
concrete evidence as to the scale of such practices. In a series of
trials of journalists and bloggers throughout 2011 and early 2012,
government prosecutors have presented intercepted emails and phone calls
between the journalists as evidence.[65]
Upon purchasing a mobile phone, individuals are asked to register their
SIM card with their full name, address, and government-issued
identification number. Internet subscription account holders also are
required to register their personal details, including their home
addresses, with the government.
For a period following the 2005 elections,
cybercafe owners were required to keep a register of their clients, but
this requirement has not been implemented since mid-2010. Nevertheless,
there are strong suspicions that cybercafes are required to install
software to monitor user activity, which arose after a few incidents
were reported of users getting arrested while leaving internet cafes in
2011. The arrests were followed by government warnings that “visiting
anti-peace websites using proxy serves is a crime.”[66] The use of such monitoring software remains unconfirmed.
The key government body involved in surveillance is the Information Network Security Agency (INSA),[67] which is suspected of engaging in internet filtering and email monitoring.[68]
There have also been reports of the government using technology
obtained from the Chinese authorities to monitor phone lines and various
types of online communication.[69]
According to internal sources working in the industry, INSA is
currently testing tools that will enable its officials to mask their
identities to acquire user information such as usernames and passwords,
which could lead to full-fledged phishing attacks against government
opponents in the future.[70]
To date, cyberattacks and other forms of technical violence have not
been a serious problem in Ethiopia, partly due to the limited number of
users.
While it has been common for traditional media
journalists in Ethiopia to face considerable harassment and
intimidation, leading several to flee the country, prior to 2011 such
threats did not affect online activists and bloggers. With the 2011
crackdown against online journalists such as Eskinder Nega, however,
dissident bloggers and netizens are beginning to experience increasing
levels of intimidation for their work.
Notes:
[1] René Lefort, “"Beka!" ("enough").” Will Ethiopia be next?” openDemocracy.net, May 26, 2011, http://www.opendemocracy.net/ren%C3%A9-lefort/beka-enough-will-ethiopia-be-next.
[2] Yukio Strachan, “Prisoners of Conscience: Swedish Journalists Jailed in Ethiopia,” Digital Journal, December 29, 2011, http://digitaljournal.com/article/316820.
[3] William Easterly et al., “The Case of Eskinder Nega,” The New York Review of Books, January 12, 2012, http://www.nybooks.com/articles/archives/2012/jan/12/case-eskinder-nega/?pagination=false; “Ethiopia sentences Eskinder, 5 others on terror charges,” Committee to Protect Journalists, July 13, 2012, http://cpj.org/2012/07/ethiopia-sentences-eskinder-six-others-on-terror-c.php.
[4] Julia Crawford, “Ethiopia: Poison, Politics and the Press,” Committee to Protect Journalists, April 28, 2006, http://cpj.org/reports/2006/04/ethiopia-da-spring-06.php.
[5]
The first use of internet-like electronic communication was in 1993,
when the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA) launched
the Pan African Documentation and Information Service Network (PADISNET)
project, establishing electronic communication nodes in several
countries, including Ethiopia. PADISNET provided the first
store-and-forward email and electronic-bulletin board services in
Ethiopia. It was used by a few hundred people, primarily academics, and
staff of international agencies or nongovernmental organizations.
[6] William Davison, “France Telecom Takes Over Management of Ethiopia’s Monopoly,” Bloomberg, December 3, 2010, http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2010-12-03/france-telecom-starts-two-year-management-contract-at-ethiopia-s-utility.html.
[7] Isaac Idun-Arkhurst and James Laing, The Impact of the Chinese Presence in Africa (London: africapractice, 2007), http://www.davidandassociates.co.uk/davidandblog/newwork/China_in_Africa_5.pdf.
[8] Hilina Alemu, “INSA Installing Street Surveillance Cameras,” Addis Fortune, March 21, 2010, http://www.addisfortune.com/Vol%2010%20No%20516%20Archive/INSA%20Installing%20Street%20Surrviellance%20Cameras.htm; “China Involved in ESAT Jamming,” Addis Neger, June 22, 2010, http://addisnegeronline.com/2010/06/china-involved-in-esat-jamming/.
[9] International Telecommunication Union (ITU),”Fixed-telephone subscriptions,” 2010, accessed July 18, 2012, http://www.itu.int/ITU-D/ICTEYE/Indicators/Indicators.aspx#.
[10] International Telecommunication Union (ITU),”Fixed-telephone subscriptions,” 2011, accessed July 18, 2012, http://www.itu.int/ITU-D/ICTEYE/Indicators/Indicators.aspx#.
[11]
International Telecommunication Union (ITU), “Percentage of individuals
using the Internet, fixed (wired) Internet subscriptions, fixed
(wired)-broadband subscriptions,” 2011, accessed July 13, 2012, http://www.itu.int/ITU-D/ICTEYE/Indicators/Indicators.aspx#.
[12] International Telecommunication Union (ITU),”Mobile-cellular telephone subscriptions,” 2011, accessed July 13, 2012, http://www.itu.int/ITU-D/ICTEYE/Indicators/Indicators.aspx#.
[13] Jonathan Fildes, “UN Reveals Global Disparity in Broadband Access,” BBC News, September 2, 2010, http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/technology-11162656.
[14] Ibid.
[15] “Residential Tariff,” Ethio Telecom, accessed July 16, 2012, http://www.ethiotelecom.et/products/residential-tariff.php.
[16] World Bank, “Gross national income per capital 2011, Atlas method and PPP,” World Bank Databank, 2011, accessed July 18, 2012, http://databank.worldbank.org/databank/download/GNIPC.pdf.
[17] Elias Gebreselassie, “Ethio-Telecom Limits EVDO Internet Access<” Addis Fortine, April 3, 2011, http://addisfortune.com/Vol_10_No_570_Archive/Ethio-Telecom%20Limits%20EVDO%20Internet%20Access.htm; “Ethio-Telecom unveils wide-ranging tariff changes across all services,” TeleGeography, April 5, 2011, http://www.telegeography.com/products/commsupdate/articles/2011/04/05/Ethio
Telecom-unveils-wide-ranging-tariff-changes-across-all-services.
[18] UNICEF, “Ethiopia: Statistics,” accessed July 16, 2012, http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/ethiopia_statistics.html#67.
[19] Andinet Teshome, Internet Access in the Capital of Africa (School of Education, University of Manchester, 2009); EthioTube video, 8:56, posted by “Kebena,” accessed August 06, 2010, http://www.ethiotube.net/video/9655/Internet-Access-in-the-Capital-of-Africa-Addis-Ababa.
[20]
Ethiopian Telecommunication Agency (ETA), “Telecommunication
Proclamation No. 281/2002, Article 2(11) and 2(12),” July 2, 2002,
accessed July 25, 2012, http://www.eta.gov.et/Scan/Telecom%20Proc%20281_2002%20(amendment)%20NG.pdf.
As an amendment to article 24 of the Proclamation, the Sub-Article (3)
specifically states, “The use or provision of voice communication or fax
services through the internet are prohibited” (page 1782).
[21] ETA, “Telecommunication Proclamation No. 49/1996, Articles 24 and 25,” November 28, 1996, accessed July 25, 2012, http://www.eta.gov.et/Scan/Telecom%20Proc%2049_1996%20NG1.pdf.
[22] Groum Abate, “Internet Cafes Start Registering Users,” Capital, December 25, 2006, http://www.capitalethiopia.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=259:internet-cafes-start-registering-users-&catid=12:local-news&Itemid=4.
[23] Bogdan Popa, “Google Blocked in Ethiopia,” Softpedia, May 3, 2007, http://news.softpedia.com/news/Google-Blocked-In-Ethiopia-53799.shtml.
[24] Human Rights Watch, “Ethiopia: Repression Rising Ahead of May Elections,” news release, March 24, 2010, http://www.hrw.org/en/news/2010/03/24/ethiopia-repression-rising-ahead-may-elections.
[25] “Internet is down through out Ethiopia – update,” Ethiopian Review, May 26, 2011, http://www.ethiopianreview.com/content/33165.
[26] Hailu Teklehaimanot, “Unraveling ZTE’s Network,” Addis Fortune, August 22, 2010, http://www.addisfortune.com/Interview-Unraveling%20ZTEs%20Network.htm.
[27] Samuel Kinde, “Internet in Ethiopia: Is Ethiopia Off-Line or Wired to the Rim?” MediaETHIOPIA, November 2007, http://www.mediaethiopia.com/Engineering/Internet_in_Ethiopia_November2007.htm.
[28] Brian Adero, “WIOCC-EASSy Cable Ready for Business,” IT News Africa, July 23, 2010, http://www.itnewsafrica.com/?p=8419.
[29] Kinde, “Internet in Ethiopia.”
[30] ETA, “Telecommunication Proclamation No. 49/1996, Part Two,” November 28, 1996, accessed August 24, 2010http://www.eta.gov.et/Scan/Telecom%20Proc%2049_1996%20NG1.pdf.
[31] Al Shiferaw, “Connecting Telecentres: An Ethiopian Perspective,” Telecentre Magazine, September 2008, http://www.telecentremagazine.net/articles/article-details.asp?Title=Connecting-Telecentres:-An-Ethiopian-Perspective&articleid=163&typ=Features.
[32]
“Private VSAT Permit Directive Number 2/2003” as noted in: “Ethiopia to
liberalise VSAT market,” Screen Africa, November 16, 2011, http://www.screenafrica.com/page/news/industry/1097820-Ethiopia-to-liberalise-VSAT-market.
[33] Yelibenwork Ayele, “Companies in Ethiopia Permitted to Use VSAT,” 2Merkato.com, October 3, 2011, http://www.2merkato.com/20111003380/companies-in-ethiopia-permitted-to-use-vsat.
[34] “US urge Ethiopia to liberalise telecom sector,” Voices of Africa, March 10, 2010, http://voicesofafrica.africanews.com/site/list_message/26217; Technology Strategies International, “ICT Investment Opportunities in Ethiopia—2010,” March 1, 2010, http://www.marketresearch.com/Technology-Strategies-International-v3460/ICT-Investment-Opportunities-Ethiopia-2663628/.
[35] Meron Tekleberhan, “Internet Connection a Persistent Problem in Ethiopia,” Ezega.com, December 26, 2011, http://www.ezega.com/news/NewsDetails.aspx?Page=heads&NewsID=3169.
[36] “Ethiopia: Authorities Urged to Unblock Websites,” Integrated Regional Information Networks (IRIN), May 25, 2006, http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=59115.
[37] OpenNet Initiative, “Regional Overview: Sub-Saharan Africa,” accessed May 28, 2010, http://opennet.net/research/regions/ssafrica.
[38]
Daniel Berhane, “Ethiopia’s web filtering: Advanced technology,
hypocritical criticisms, bleeding constitution,” Danielberhane’s Blog,
January 16, 2011, http://danielberhane.wordpress.com/2011/01/16/ethiopias-web-filtering-advanced-technology-hypocritical-criticisms-bleeding-constitution/.
[39] Azi Ronen, “Ethio Telecom Issued a Tender for DPI,” Broadband Traffic Management (blog), July 7, 2011, http://broabandtrafficmanagement.blogspot.com/2011/07/ethio-telecom-issued-tender-for-dpi.html.
[40] OpenNet Initiative, “Regional Overview: Sub-Saharan Africa,” http://opennet.net/research/regions/ssafrica.
[41] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, “Ethiopia,” in 2008 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of State, February 2009), http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2008/af/119001.htm.
[42]
Mohamed Keita, “Ethiopia Lifts Filtering of Critical Web Sites—At Least
for Now,” Committee to Protect Journalists (blog), March 4, 2009, http://cpj.org/blog/2009/03/ethiopia-lifts-filtering-of-critical-web-sites--at.php.
[43] Reporters Without Borders, “Weekly Forced to Stop Publishing, Its Journalists Flee Abroad,” news release, December 4, 2009, http://en.rsf.org/ethiopia-weekly-forced-to-stop-publishing-04-12-2009,35258.html.
[44] Oromsis Adula, “Election 2010, Blogging, Medrek, and the Future of Ethiopia,” Gadaa.com, May 25, 2010, http://gadaa.com/oduu/3799/2010/05/25/the-2010-election-blogging-medrek-and-the-future-of-ethiopia/.
[45] Haleta Yirga and Merga Yonas, “Ethiopia: Freedom of expression being suppressed,” The Reporter Ethiopia, May 7, 2011, http://www.thereporterethiopia.com/Politics-and-Law/ethiopia-freedom-of-expression-being-suppressed.html; Jillioan C. York, “Africa’s cascade of Internet censorship,” AlJazeera, May 12, 2011, http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2011/05/2011512134039497302.html.
[46] René Lefort, “"Beka!" ("enough").” Will Ethiopia be next?”
[47] David Smith, “Ethiopia’s ‘day of rage’ hopes to oust Meles Zenawi from power,” The Guardian, May 27, 2011, http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2011/may/27/ethiopia-day-of-rage-protest.
[48]
Based on an interview with individuals working in the telecom sector
who requested to remain anonymous, as well as a test conducted by a
Freedom House consultant who found it was not possible for an ordinary
user to send out a bulk text message.
[49] Interview with an Ethiopian blogger and political commentator, August 8, 2010.
[50] Endalk, “Ethiopia: Netizens Take Campaign for Shweya Mullah Online,” Global Voices, October 13, 2011, http://globalvoicesonline.org/2011/10/13/ethiopia-netizens-take-campaign-for-shweyga-mullah-online/; Endalk, “Ethiopia: Outrage Over Abuse of Ethiopian Domestic Worker in Lebanon,” Global Voices, March 12, 2012, http://globalvoicesonline.org/2012/03/12/ethiopia-outrage-over-abuse-of-ethiopian-domestic-worker-in-lebanon/.
[51]
“What happens on facebook remains on facebook: The “Beka” revolution
evangelists on facebook revisited,” Endalks’ Blog, June 24, 2011, http://endalk.wordpress.com/2011/06/24/what-happens-on-facebook-remains-on-facebook-the-%E2%80%9Cbeka%E2%80%9D-revolution-evangelists-on-facebook-revisited.
[52] Jawar Mohammed, “Nonviolent Struggle: Ethiopian Exceptionalism?” Democracy: Liberty, Security, & Prosperity (blog), February 27, 2011, http://dhummuugaa.wordpress.com/2011/02/27/nonviolent-struggle-ethiopian-exceptionalism-2/; David Smith,
“Ethiopia ‘day of rage’ hopes to oust Meles Zenawi from power”;
Eskinder Nega, “Understanding the absence of Ethiopia’s ‘day of rage,’”
Gasha for Ethiopians, June 3, 2011, http://www.ethiopiangasha.org/tmp/EskinderNega3June2011.html; David Shinn, “Revolutionary Winds from North to South of the Sahara: Wishful Thinking?” East Africa Forum, June 13, 2011, http://www.eastafricaforum.net/2011/06/13/prof-david-shinn-revolutionary-winds-from-north-to-south-of-the-sahara-wishful-thinking/.
[53] “Ethiopia: Crackdown ‘A Threat to Democracy,’” AllAfrica.com, December 1, 2011, http://allafrica.com/stories/201112020788.html.
[54]
“Constitution of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, Article
29,” Parliament of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, accessed
August 24, 2010, http://www.ethiopar.net/.
[55] Human Rights Watch, Analysis of Ethiopia’s Draft Anti-Terrorism Law (New York: Human Rights Watch, 2009), http://www.hrw.org/en/news/2009/06/30/analysis-ethiopia-s-draft-anti-terrorism-law.
[56] “Freedom of the Mass Media and Access to Information Proclamation No. 590/2008,” Federal Negarit Gazeta No. 64, December 4, 2008.
[57]
International Labour Organization, “The Criminal Code of the Federal
Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, Proclamation No. 414/2004, Article 44,”
accessed August 24, 2010, http://www.ilo.org/dyn/natlex/docs/ELECTRONIC/70993/75092/F1429731028/ETH70993.pdf.
[58]
International Labour Organization, “The Criminal Code of the Federal
Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, Proclamation No. 414/2004, Articles 485
and 486,” accessed August 24, 2010, http://www.ilo.org/dyn/natlex/docs/ELECTRONIC/70993/75092/F1429731028/ETH70993.pdf.
[59] “Anti-Terrorism Proclamation No. 652/2009,” Federal Negarit Gazeta No. 57, August 28, 2009.
[60]
Nega is also the 2011 recipient of the PEN/Barbara Goldsmith Freedom to
Write Award. Sarah Hoffman, “That Bravest and Most Admirable of
Writers: PEN Salutes Eskinder Nega,” PEN American Center (blog), April
13, 2012, http://www.pen.org/blog/?p=11198.
[61] Endalk, “Ethiopia: Freedom of Expression in Jeopardy,” Global Voices, February 3, 2012, http://advocacy.globalvoicesonline.org/2012/02/03/ethiopia-freedom-of-expression-in-jeopardy/.
[62] Markos Lemma, “Ethiopia: Online Reactions to Prison Sentence for Dissident Blogger,” Global Voices, July 15, 2012, http://globalvoicesonline.org/2012/07/15/ethiopia-online-reactions-to-prison-sentence-for-dissident-blogger/.
[63] “Ethiopia Sentences 3 Journalists to Long Prison Terms,” Voice of America News, January 26, 2012, http://www.voanews.com/english/news/africa/Ethiopia-Sentences-3-Journalists-to-Long-Prison-Terms-138214754.html.
[64] “Ethiopia: Crackdown in Addis Ababa Internet Cafes, Two arrested on Tuesday,” Addis Neger, August 12, 2011, http://addisnegeronline.com/2011/08/crackdown-in-addis-ababa-internet-cafes-two-arrested-on-tuesday/.
[65] “Ethiopian blogger, journalists convicted of terrorism,” Committee to Protect Journalists, January 19, 2012, http://cpj.org/2012/01/three-journalists-convicted-on-terrorism-charges-i.php.
[66] “TPLF regime Arresting Internet Café Users in Addis Ababa,” Ethiopian Review, August 12, 2011, http://www.ethiopianreview.com/forum/viewtopic.php?f=2&t=30136.
[67] “Mission Statement,” Information Network Security Agency of Ethiopia, accessed June 2, 2010, http://www.insa.gov.et/INSA/faces/welcomeJSF.jsp.
[68] Chris Forrester, “…While Ethiopia Starts Jamming,” Rapid TV News, June 23, 2010, http://www.rapidtvnews.com/index.php/201006236926/while-ethiopia-starts-jamming.html.
[69] Helen Epstein, “Cruel Ethiopia,” New York Review of Books, May 13, 2010, http://www.nybooks.com/articles/archives/2010/may/13/cruel-ethiopia/.
[70]
Interview with individuals working in the technology and security
sector in Ethiopia, who requested to remain anonymous, January 2012.
Feedom House
Page 184-196.
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